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Abkhazian Energy Crisis
The energy collapse in Abkhazia has starkly exposed the depth of the socio-economic and political crisis the country is currently experiencing, in which the state is unable to fulfill its basic obligations to citizens.
The country’s governance system has proven deeply flawed, lacking ideas, accountability, and the will to make meaningful improvements. Editor of the newspaper Chegemskaya Pravda, Inal Khashig, discusses ways to navigate out of this deadlock with a member of the Public Chamber of Abkhazia, Tengiz Djopua.
Full transcript of interview
Inal Khashig: Hello, this is Chegemskaya Pravda. We are working under what can only be described as extreme conditions. The entire country is in a similar state, living in this mode. Today, a new power outage schedule was introduced again; it changes every other day. During the day, we have electricity. We’ve prepaid for two nights to have power overnight, but beyond that, no one knows what will happen.
We are currently experiencing a dire energy crisis. Today we will discuss the situation with Tengiz Djopua, a member of the Public Chamber. Good afternoon. I haven’t found a clear plan to overcome the crisis, apart from the detailed material you presented, which outlines an action plan. What is the core idea of the measures you list, which emphasize a step-by-step approach? Even assuming this plan is adopted, I can’t imagine which authority could implement it. Under what conditions could this plan be carried out?
Tengiz Djopua: With the current so-called interim government, involving the same ministers and officials, this is impossible. Over the past four years, they have failed to take necessary measures and have done nothing purposeful. Let me note that this plan is part of a broader document presented in 2020 to Aslan Bzhania. During a personal meeting, we discussed the need to combat cryptocurrency mining and several other measures. The proposals included banning the import of mining equipment into Abkhazia, additional measures concerning Chernomorenergo, and strengthening financial discipline in revenue collection.
However, no steps were taken. Only a month after our conversation, an order to impose the ban was issued. And so, with the current officials, this is unfeasible. The only viable option in such a crisis is to form a coalition anti-crisis government, granting it the broadest possible powers to swiftly execute the planned measures with the support of society and the people.
In this context, the role of the security apparatus is especially crucial, as implementation will depend on the efforts of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Security Service (SGB). The leadership of these structures must be replaced with individuals capable of addressing challenges of this magnitude.
“The only option in such a crisis is to form a coalition anti-crisis government.”
The current officeholders have demonstrated their helplessness: at meetings, they openly admit to failures. It is clear that they cannot cope, intentionally or for other reasons. Over the past four years, we’ve seen that they cannot deliver results. This necessitates a new government.
Inal Khashig: We are once again in a situation typical of the Abkhazian crisis — endless minor agreements, often contradicting the Constitution. However, following the events of November 15, when the presidential palace was stormed and negotiations began for Aslan Bzhania (the president) and the prime minister to step down while keeping others in place, personnel issues have effectively been left unresolved. We are not addressing them. Meanwhile, the crisis we face is extraordinarily dire.
I don’t see a way out under current conditions. Every time a new schedule is introduced, we nostalgically recall the previous one, as the situation worsens. We don’t know what will happen in two or three days or what conditions we’ll face. There may soon be no funds even for nighttime electricity. The Inguri Hydropower Plant is shut down. The country could fall into complete collapse, potentially triggering a social explosion. Women are already heading to the Minister of Energy as a group. Yet, I’m surprised that in this emergency, we aren’t addressing the situation legislatively.
Tengiz Djopua:
Introduce a state of emergency…
Inal Khashig:
Yes, some sort of emergency regime. I’m unsure how this is legislatively framed in our system, but there must be provisions for states of emergency or crisis management. The prime minister has threatened several times to declare it, yet it has not been done. We rely on promises. The government is amorphous; I don’t see the will to act. I believe it is time to decisively declare a state of emergency.
If we are addressing cryptocurrency mining, the authorities, energy providers, and all relevant services need clear frameworks, objectives, and deadlines. This would prevent them from justifying inaction due to a lack of authority or knowledge. Such a regime may need to be introduced, though I don’t know who will implement it — the parliament or the acting president. The situation clearly resembles a power vacuum. What do you think the solution is?
Tengiz Djopua: Responsibility in the government has practically never existed, and now no one wants to assume it. There are two political groups that, over the past three decades of struggle, have essentially destroyed the state. In this situation, neither side is willing to take responsibility. The interim government exists, but it’s as if it doesn’t. It lacks management capacity, strong legitimacy, or the ability to oversee ministries and agencies.
It’s been noted that while the prime minister has officially stepped down, he still informally controls all state structures because his people remain in key positions. This is a fact.
I see only one scenario: a social uprising, which could then lead to a second one, ultimately resulting in a complete overhaul of the current government and the interim administration. New people need to take charge, because the situation is critical.
Living by natural light isn’t the worst part. Far worse are the economic consequences: reduced tax revenues, halted production, closure of businesses, spoilage of food in storage, and improper preservation of medicines. These consequences are already becoming evident. Soon we may face shortages — with power outages, bread production might cease, and there could be issues with water supply and sewage systems. The collapse will intensify, inevitably leading to another social conflict.
In these circumstances, political forces might finally negotiate or take decisive measures. But such actions must be carried out by the authorities, not the people. It’s worth noting that the prime minister’s actions in this situation appear insufficient, half-measures at best. There is no clear program or roadmap to combat cryptocurrency mining.
“[W]hile the prime minister has stepped down, he still informally controls all state structures because his people remain in key positions.”
Tengiz Djopua: People need to understand when this will end, the means and methods to resolve the problem. We are living in complete uncertainty, not knowing what tomorrow will bring. We only hear rumors about how much was paid for the next night. But what if payments stop? What if there’s no money in the near future? Then we’ll be left with just two hours of electricity per day— that’s catastrophic. This hasn’t happened since the war. I don’t remember a situation this critical.
If the government and political forces fail to act, the people may have to take matters into their own hands. Parliament is entirely passive. There needs to be a gathering to discuss how to move forward in this country. Perhaps we should ask ourselves: do we even need this country? Should we consider becoming part of another state if we can’t establish independence?
Inal Khashig: Our political forces are also fragmented. From my observations, the situation on the side of the former or outgoing government remains unclear. It’s hard to define this group, but there’s a sort of “shadow” prime minister. The former prime minister has resigned, yet he still wields some influence.
Our government essentially consisted of two centers: people loyal to Aslan Bzhania and those loyal to the prime minister. When the ex-president crossed the border, he was met by heads of administrations, several deputies, and other figures. But even they lack a clear understanding of what to do next.
Right now, everyone is focused on the presidential elections, each pursuing their own interests. Bzhania has repeatedly stated his intention to run for president — both here and in Russia. But there are now rumors that he may not run. Internal dynamics within this political group suggest Bzhania might not be a viable candidate. Meanwhile, certain movements are also happening within the opposition.
After the events of November 15, everything seems to have dissipated, leaving no clear direction for the country. I see no certainty. This group is silent, and so is the other.
There’s supposedly a task force to combat cryptocurrency mining, or something like that. We know its members, but no active measures are being taken. It feels like some people view the situation as if nothing affects them. Ministers declare that they are powerless. Who, then, can change anything?
Parliament has already demonstrated its instability; it has no backbone. It constantly operates under someone’s influence. If, on November 15, people hadn’t gathered near parliament, it would have voted in favor of an agreement. When the people gathered, parliament voted against it. This shows that parliament lacks a clear understanding of the situation and certainly has no roadmap to overcome the crisis.
We have nothing but the date of the upcoming presidential election, and no other reference point.
What should we do? On another note, we’re witnessing a sharp deterioration in Russian-Abkhazian relations. No one knows how long this will last. It seems Moscow is trying to pressure us into something. I don’t think this will be prolonged, but what exactly Moscow is aiming for remains unclear. This thought hasn’t yet been fully articulated. What’s your take?
Tengiz Djopua: I don’t understand what Moscow could reproach us for. Since 2008, we have not shown any signs of ill-will toward the Russian Federation. We’ve signed numerous agreements across various sectors, from security to culture. We have accepted the texts of agreements proposed by Russia almost without amendments. The level of integration in security matters is so deep that Russia has no comparable relationship with any other state.
Even in economic matters, where proposals were not always favorable to us, we still agreed. Around forty harmonization issues were discussed, and we accepted almost all of them except for two that crossed our “red lines.” On those two issues, we made our position clear. I see no fault on Abkhazia’s part. If we were to start mutual accusations of unfulfilled obligations, there are also agreements that the Russian side hasn’t honored.
For instance, regarding the agreement on the unified military group, our problem lies in the fact that over the past four years, those in power were incapable of honestly and firmly presenting Abkhazia’s position to Russia. They lobbied for personal interests under the guise of representing the Abkhazian people and used every trip to Moscow to resolve personal issues. As a result, we’re in the situation we face today. Whose fault is that?
I wouldn’t blame just the previous administration or the one before it. This is the fault of our entire society because we vote in elections, we elect such deputies and presidents. Whoever we elect, that’s who we get. If today we live without electricity and water, it’s our own fault.
Inal Khashig: I agree with this. We’ve spent years heading toward this situation, becoming accustomed to living at others’ expense, placing no responsibility on the government, and electing officials based on criteria like being a “good guy,” “one of us,” or “family.” No one has proposed serious programs, and if promises were made during elections, we didn’t demand their fulfillment the next day. We behaved irresponsibly and drove the state into a crisis where it cannot fulfill its obligations to citizens.
Today we have no electricity or water, and salaries are depressed. If the crisis continues, it will affect healthcare and education as well. If schools are prematurely closed, that would also constitute a breach of the state’s obligation to provide education for its citizens and their children. We have entered a full-scale crisis.
Political forces remain silent as if this situation doesn’t concern them, as though the responsibility lies solely with ordinary citizens. I hear no comments from political organizations that are usually eager to make statements about anything. The country is, to be frank, at a dead end, and no real action is being taken.
Some say, “If it weren’t for November 15, everything would be fine.” But if not November 15, then April 15 — what difference does it make? We live from one crisis to the next.
Now it’s clear that the emperor has no clothes. Russia has called on us to live within our means and pay for electricity. We have found ourselves in a position where we must adapt. We can no longer sustain a bloated, irresponsible government apparatus or endlessly provide privileges to officials. Each minor bureaucrat gets a government car, then buys it at a reduced price, only to receive another one. This reckless spending has brought the country to its current state.
On the other hand, we don’t even know how we will sustain ourselves. Much is said about mandarins, but we stopped cultivating anything significant long ago. Tourism? Yes, people earn money from it, but too much is hidden in the shadows and barely affects the budget. This means we are in a comprehensive crisis. We need to rethink tax laws, the work of law enforcement, and local governance. It seems to me that we need a national gathering to discuss our future.
“No country in the world lives like this.”
“The laws of the Republic of Abkhazia are the will of the Abkhazian people themselves, not Russian or Georgian.”
Tengiz Djopua: I believe that crises are beneficial not only for society but also for the economy because they motivate entrepreneurs and allow us to reassess our experience.
We need to reconsider our existence, our attitude toward the state, and decide whether we want to build a free, independent country and how we envision its future. Under the conditions we have created, it is impossible to build a functional state. No country in the world lives like this.
For a long time, we essentially lived off external resources, stopped working independently, and ceased solving problems ourselves. The essence of our socio-political existence has been reduced to the struggle between two political factions. Society has become divided: one part supports one side, the other part supports the other.
In the course of this prolonged conflict, we destroyed the economy, the institutions of the state, and then our moral and ethical values. The first and most important step is to stop the division and internal political strife. Politicians must be confined to their own field and society must rise above the situation. Right now people are fanatically loyal to certain leaders, following them uncritically.
As for the idea of a national gathering, the Public Chamber has proposed holding a nationwide forum of the Abkhazian people. At this forum, we need to openly and honestly articulate all problems and propose a new social contract. In this contract, we must change our attitude toward the law and recognize that the laws of the Republic of Abkhazia represent the will of the Abkhazian people themselves — not the will of Russia or Georgia.
Violating the law means going against the will of our own people.
This needs to be radically changed. If a forum is held, a crisis government will be necessary. Waiting for elections and hoping that the winning political group will solve the problem is pointless: our political groups are intellectually and programmatically weak. They only know how to appeal to Moscow for help, binding themselves with new obligations that are then borne by the Abkhaz people. We must show Russia that we are capable of solving problems on our own. To do this, we need a new government and a legal assessment of the previous administration. There is a crisis everywhere: in the energy system, security, economy, and financial discipline. Corruption levels are high, as confirmed by new documents. It is necessary to provide a legal assessment of what has happened and, for the first time, hold someone accountable.
Be it the president, the prime minister, or a minister. If crimes go unpunished, subsequent governments will lack responsibility. People see that if those at the top steal, it means they can too. We need to change our attitude toward the situation and gradually resolve the issues. The main problem is energy. It can’t be fixed fast, but at least normal electricity supply and economic functioning can be ensured. This requires willpower, a new government, and new people, as well as decisive and objective actions. It is important to fairly punish those responsible. For many years, the law has been applied selectively.
Something needs to be done instead of sitting idly. Politicians do not want to take responsibility, understanding the difficulty of the situation. Opposition politicians do not declare readiness to solve the problem or offer programs. The old government is also incapable of doing anything. I believe that with the arrival of Aslan Bzhania and his team, the energy sector was deliberately destroyed. At the beginning of his rule, the political party “AINAR” stated that his programmatic speeches demonstrated an intent to ruin the sector and then sell it to foreign investors.
This party had problems with the state security agencies, but now it is evident that everything was heading in that direction. This is a comprador government that came to plunder the remaining Abkhaz assets. They had no other ideas or plans. Hoping for change from their side is pointless. The current ministers must be removed; they have no intention of changing anything. Absolute lawlessness has arrived: the ship is being tossed in a storm, there is no one at the helm, and the politicians are hiding in the hold. If the ship starts to sink, they will quickly flee in lifeboats, leaving the people behind.
Inal Khashig. The main scourge is corruption. Everywhere you look, there is collusion. When power changes hands, opposing forces accuse each other of bribery and theft, presenting concrete facts. But after the transfer of power, everything starts with a clean slate, and corruption is forgotten. It is a kind of safeguard: after working in power, one enriches oneself and leaves without consequences. Then another comes and does the same. As a result, the country becomes impoverished, living with only two hours of electricity a day, while we pay enormous sums for nighttime electricity supply. The amounts already paid would have been enough to restore three hydropower plants, which we have been fighting for over several years.
We evaluate projects not in terms of actual benefit but based on who will pay the state less. The difference between the market and officially declared costs does not disappear — it ends up in someone’s pockets.
Today’s discussion was emotional. Time is limited due to power outages. My guest was Tengiz Djopua, a member of the Public Chamber, who has his own roadmap for overcoming the energy crisis.
This roadmap should have been developed by the authorities and political organizations. This speaks to the state of our political and government institutions — their amorphousness and inability to engage in constructive activity. With that, we conclude. Thank you. I hope we come to our senses and emerge not only from the energy crisis but also rethink why we need the Abkhaz state and how to turn it into a developing rather than a degrading society.
I remind you that you can watch us on the “Chegemskaya Pravda” channel, on the Facebook page of the same name, and read materials on my channel, “Inal Khashig Chegemskaya Pravda.” Thank you, goodbye.
