The scandal around the ‘Team of Abkhazia’ | Who are the Russian political strategists forced to leave Abkhazia?

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Team of Abkhazia controversy

On November 8, 2025, de facto local elections were held in Abkhazia. Over 280 party and independent candidates competed for more than 160 mandates in local government bodies. Candidates supported by the incumbent de facto president, Badra Gunba, secured victories in almost all districts, except the Gagra and Gudauta districts, which are considered opposition strongholds.

Thus, all branches of power in the region—both local and central—have become completely consolidated under one political team, led by Badra Gunba.

The local elections took place amid expected tension, but a serious political scandal erupted on the eve of the vote.

How did Russian political technologists intervene in the Abkhaz elections?

On November 7, the day before the elections, Kan Kvarchia, the leader of the Aidgilara organization, along with his supporters, “discovered” an office near the Presidential Administration building. According to their statement, this office was publishing the pro-government newspaper, “Abkhazskiy Vestnik”, and coordinating the election activities of the “Team of Abkhazia.”

Three Russian citizens were detained at the office: Ivan Reva, Pavel Timofeev, and Dmitry Budykin. Kvarchia alleged that they were Russian political technologists. Footage and “confessional testimonies” circulated on social media, in which Reva confessed that he and his colleagues provided financial and intellectual assistance to the “Team of Abkhazia” during the local elections.

Reva stated that their team independently published the newspaper and coordinated both “Team of Abkhazia’s” campaign and the opposition’s counter-campaign (including tearing down posters).

The detained Russian citizens were physically assaulted before being handed over to the State Security Service. Soon after, all three were transferred to Russia by the Abkhaz security services, though no legal prosecution or investigation was initiated against them. Once in Russia, Reva, in turn, accused Kan Kvarchia of assault and violence, stating that approximately 40 people attacked them, threatened them with weapons, beat them, and that he suffered a concussion.

The pre-election campaign of the pro-government candidates had raised suspicions among the opposition weeks before the vote. On the one hand, the “Team of Abkhazia” was actively involved in supporting specific candidates; on the other, the nature of their activism hinted that intellectual support was originating from outside Abkhazia. Temur Gulia, the leader of the veterans’ organization “Aruaa,” voiced these suspicions.

The actions of the “Team of Abkhazia” clearly bore the hallmark of non-local political technologists. The main campaign slogan, “Team of Abkhazia – Team of the President,” is one such indicator, as such politically shrewd and well-calculated slogans are almost unprecedented in Abkhaz electoral practice.

The opposition cited the use of administrative resources, bribery, and infrastructure projects actively leveraged by the Gunba team during the campaign. They alleged that bribery took various forms, such as addressing local infrastructure issues, renovations, and installing street lighting.

However, this criticism was generally considered routine in the context of electoral rivalry, as there was no direct evidence of intervention by the de-facto President Gunba himself, and the use of infrastructure projects for manipulation had long been an accepted practice.

This scandal has yet to result in any political or legal ramifications. Gunba’s administration offered no comment on the allegations, and Giorgi Gabunia, the director of the “Team of Abkhazia,” denied any connection to the detained Russian citizens. There is also speculation that an investigation might be launched against Kvarchia and his colleagues for armed and organized assault, though no such official procedures have begun.

The main actor in this incident, besides the Abkhaz opposition and Russian political technologists, is the “Team of Abkhazia,” which formally represents an independent organization and should not be involved in such political processes. However, understanding its real purpose and influence requires examining its creation and political ties.

What is the “Team of Abkhazia” and its connection to Russia?

The competition “Team of Abkhazia” was officially announced on February 12, 2025. Its stated goal is to identify and support promising leaders with high competence, managerial skills, and experience, thereby creating a personnel reserve in Abkhazia. The initiator was Badra Gunba himself, who was a presidential candidate at the time. Abkhazian citizens aged 18–55 with no criminal record and at least two years of managerial experience are eligible to participate.

The competition was organized by the State Council of Abkhazia for Youth and Sports. A supervisory board, composed of representatives from Abkhaz academic and business circles, was established to evaluate the contestants.

The first stage of the competition involved assessing the participants’ analytical ability, requiring them to write essays on various topics. 345 participants advanced to the second stage, where they underwent an online test of their managerial skills from March 14 to 16. 88 contestants proceeded to the final stage. The final was held from April 11 to 13. Over these three days, participants completed an assessment exam and met with the Supervisory Board and competition experts.

Following the presidential elections, several competition participants have already been appointed to various political positions: Batal Mushba as Minister of Energy, Teimuraz Mikvabia as Minister of Economy and Transport, Yatir Azhiba as Head of the Government Apparatus, Taras Khagba as Vice-Prime Minister and Chairman of the State Committee for Youth and Sports, among others.

The competition is the Abkhaz analogue of the Russian project, “Leaders of Russia.” The Russian competition has been implemented since 2017 and is informally overseen by Sergey Kiriyenko, the First Deputy Head of the Russian Presidential Administration, who simultaneously curates Moscow’s policy toward Sukhumi and Tskhinvali.

The Russian model has been almost identically copied in Abkhazia. In both cases, the idea originates from the presidential administration. The concept and goal are similar: participants and winners gain the prospect of internships or employment in state bodies and are considered the administration’s personnel reserve. To run the competition, Russia created the autonomous non-profit organization “Russia — Country of Opportunities,” and Abkhazia created the autonomous non-profit organization “Team of Abkhazia,” also initiated by the presidential administration. The head of its supervisory board is Badra Gunba, and the general director is Giorgi Gabunia.

The resemblance and copying are so extensive that the official website of the “Team of Abkhazia,” in the privacy policy section, featured the personal data processing document of the Russian organization, “Russia — Country of Opportunities,” instead of its own.

The “Team of Abkhazia” as a calculated political instrument in Gunba’s bands

Ostensibly, the “Team of Abkhazia” appears to be an organization and competition focused on youth. Various sport events, social and cultural activities they conduct support this image. The organization also seeks to become a unified platform for volunteer activities, focusing on urban cleanliness, cultural preservation, creating accessible infrastructure for people with disabilities and etc.

Two other projects, “New Media of Abkhazia” and “Hospitable Abkhazia,” were launched parallel to the competition. The media project, which focuses on recruiting young journalists, is particularly noteworthy. Successful candidates are offered internships in Russian media organizations, including Vladimir Solovyov’s studio.

Yet, the underlying side of these youth and civil projects is their political purpose.

Through the competition, Badra Gunba seeks to gain support among the youth. Over three thousand candidates registered in the competition’s first year alone. Considering the social connections within this group, the participants form a dominant demographic among the younger population.

One political objective may be to marginalize independent, alternative youth groups and mitigate political complications in the future. During the 2024 crisis surrounding the Pitsunda dachas, the youth group “Our Pitsunda” played a significant role in public resistance. In the event of similar opposition in the future, the Gunba administration aims to be prepared and able to assert its position within youth circles.

Moreover, the “Team of Abkhazia” is an electoral capital in terms of activists, agitators, candidates, and influence. This function was successfully tested during both the presidential and local elections.

Crucially, the competition ensures the selection of loyal personnel required for Gunba’s administrative apparatus. Competition naturally exists within this formed personnel reserve, which further enhances loyalty to Gunba and establishes a solid foundation for his political power.

This project may also indicate that Gunba intends to remain in Abkhaz politics for a longer term and with broader influence. The generational shift currently underway in Abkhaz politics had not been on the agenda until now for natural reasons – military and political leaders who gained their influence during the war in 1992-93 were in good physical and political shape. Gunba’s policy ensures the control and predictability of this process.

New faces are brought into responsible positions not chaotically, but as a result of a specific “filter”—a public competition that carries the appearance of fair competition. These new faces are rallying around Gunba, representing his political investment.

It would be inaccurate to claim that this approach is a local invention. The competition is not merely a copy of a Russian project; it was executed with direct Russian intellectual support and technical assistance. In Russia, this process is curated by Sergey Kiriyenko, whose role in Gunba’s presidential campaign was evident.

The Kremlin’s open support was clear to all: Gunba’s PR campaign was practically led by the Russian side (the opening of the Sukhumi airport, the first flight to Moscow—all became part of or were linked to his electoral campaign).

How is the Kremlin’s Long-Term Strategy Revealed?

It is fair to say that the success of the “Team of Abkhazia” project also signifies a strategic success for the Kremlin. In this form, Russia has successfully established long-term, strategic ties with Abkhaz political circles. The generational change is taking place under their observation, control, and coordination, avoiding a spontaneous, chaotic, and uncontrolled nature. This policy proactively ensures the existence of Kremlin-loyal Abkhaz political elites for years or even decades to come.

Through these forms, the Kremlin is not just supporting Gunba himself. It is betting not on a specific individual, but on the future generation of politicians, which it is actively helping to shape.

Team of Abkhazia controversy

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